Geschiedenis van het circuswezen in Nederland van 1901-1971

The unqualified victory of consumerism in America was not a foregone conclusion. The United States has traditionally been the home of the most aggressive and often thoughtful criticism of consumption, including Puritanism, Prohibition, the simplicity movement, the '60s hippies, and the consumer rights movement. But at the dawn of the twenty-first century, not only has American consumerism triumphed, there isn't even an "ism" left to challenge it. An All-Consuming Century is a rich history of how market goods came to dominate American life over that remarkable hundred years between 1900 and 2000 and why for the first time in history there are no practical limits to consumerism.

By 1930 a distinct consumer society had emerged in the United States in which the taste, speed, control, and comfort of goods offered new meanings of freedom, thus laying the groundwork for a full-scale ideology of consumer's democracy after World War II. From the introduction of Henry Ford's Model T ("so low in price that no man making a good salary will be unable to own one") and the innovations in selling that arrived with the department store (window displays, self service, the installment plan) to the development of new arenas for spending (amusement parks, penny arcades, baseball parks, and dance halls), Americans embraced the new culture of commercialism-with reservations. However, Gary Cross shows that even the Depression, the counterculture of the 1960s, and the inflation of the 1970s made Americans more materialistic, opening new channels of desire and offering opportunities for more innovative and aggressive marketing. The conservative upsurge of the 1980s and '90s indulged in its own brand of self-aggrandizement by promoting unrestricted markets. The consumerism of today, thriving and largely unchecked, no longer brings families and communities together; instead, it increasingly divides and isolates Americans.

Consumer culture has provided affluent societies with peaceful alternatives to tribalism and class war, Cross writes, and it has fueled extraordinary economic growth. The challenge for the future is to find ways to revive the still valid portion of the culture of constraint and control the overpowering success of the all-consuming twentieth century.

Sweeping away misconceptions about the "Me Decade," Bruce Schulman offers a fast-paced, wide-ranging, and brilliant examination of the political, cultural, social, and religious upheavals of the 1970s. Arguing that it was one of the most important of the postwar twentieth-century decades, despite its reputation as an eminently forgettable period, Schulman reconstructs public events and private lives, high culture and low, analyzing not only presidential politics and national policy but also the broader social and cultural experiences that transformed American life. Here are the names, faces, and movements that gave birth to the world we now live in-from Nixon and Carter to The Godfather and the Ramones; from Billie Jean King and Phyllis Schlafly to NOW and the ERA; from the Energy Crisis to Roe v. Wade. The Seventies is an astutely provocative reexamination of a misunderstood era.

Guy Poppe heeft de historische gebeurtenissen in Congo van nabij gevolgd, tot aan Joseph Kabila's eedaflegging als radiojournalist en daarna als gepassioneerde getuige. Zijn dagboek geeft een uniek beeld van de getormenteerde periode die Congo het voorbije lange decennium meegemaakt heeft.

"For 2,500 years, since the time of Herodotus and Thucydides, historians have sought to record the truth about the past. Today, however, the discipline is suffering a potentially lethal attach from the rise to prominence of an array of French-inspired literary and social theories, each of which denies that truth and knowledge about the past are possible. These theories claim the central point on which history was founded no longer holds: there is no fundamental distinction between history and myth or between history and fiction." "Historians in classrooms from Berkeley to Paris have embraced these views, and an increasing number of literary critics and social theorists now feel free to define their own work as history and to call themselves historians. The result is revolutionary: historians have not only changed how history is taught, they are also increasingly obscuring the very facts on which the truth must be built. In The Killing of History, Keith Windschuttle offers both a devastating expose of the absurdity of these developments and a defense of the integrity of Western intellectual traditions which are now so widely attacked." "Windschuttle examines exactly what is being taught about Columbus' discovery of the New World, the history of asylums and prisons in Europe; the fall of Communism in 1989, and the Battle of Quebec in 1759. He offers a much needed defense of traditional history as a properly scientific endeavor and argues that the great works of history should still be regarded as among the finest forms of Western literature."--BOOK JACKET. Title Summary field provided by Blackwell North America, Inc. All Rights Reserved

De Bataafse hut is een historisch cultuurwetenschappelijk boek van Auke van der Woud dat onderzoekt hoe eenvoudige traditionele hutten en hun beeldvorming een rol gingen spelen in de Nederlandse cultuur tussen circa 1750 en 1850. De structuur van het boek is thematisch en analytisch: het wisselt logisch opgebouwde hoofdstukken af die elk een ander facet bekijken van hoe deze hut-symboliek is ontstaan en verspreid, in plaats van een doorlopend narratief.

Beschrijft onder andere haar onderduik in WOII

Anne Frank (13, ik-figuur) is een joods meisje, dat in de Tweede Wereldoorlog met o.a. haar ouders en zusje ondergedoken is in een achterhuis op een Amsterdamse gracht. Ze schrijft in haar dagboek over alles wat haar van haar bezighoudt. Vanaf ca. 12 jaar.

Ervaringen en overpeinzingen van een beheerder van een Amsterdamse begraafplaats.

Een genadeloze analyse van de collectieve sector en aanbevelingen voor een krachtig herstelprogramma

Beschrijving van de activiteiten van de Engelse East India Company in het Verre Oosten, met veel aandacht voor haar factorij op het Japanse eiland Hirado waar de hulp van de in Japan wonende Engelsman William Adams buitengewoon nuttig was.

Twenty years ago, Ayatollah Khomeini called for the assassination of Salman Rushdie--and writers around the world instinctively rallied to Rushdie's defense. Today, according to writer Paul Berman, "Rushdie has metastasized into an entire social class"--an ever-growing group of sharp-tongued critics of Islamist extremism, especially critics from Muslim backgrounds, who survive only because of pseudonyms and police protection. And yet, instead of being applauded, the Rushdies of today (people like Ayan Hirsi Ali and Ibn Warraq) often find themselves dismissed as "strident" or as no better than fundamentalist themselves, and contrasted unfavorably with representatives of the Islamist movement who falsely claim to be "moderates."

How did this happen? In THE FLIGHT OF THE INTELLECTUALS, Berman--"one of America's leading public intellectuals" (Foreign Affairs)--conducts a searing examination into the intellectual atmosphere of the moment and shows how some of the West's best thinkers and journalists have fumbled badly in their efforts to grapple with Islamist ideas and violence.

Berman's investigation of the history and nature of the Islamist movement includes some surprising revelations. In examining Hassan al-Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, he shows the rise of an immense and often violent worldview, elements of which survives today in the brigades of al-Qaeda and Hamas. Berman also unearths the shocking story of al-Banna's associate, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who collaborated personally with Adolf Hitler to incite Arab support of the Nazis' North African campaign. Echoes of the Grand Mufti's Nazified Islam can be heard among the followers of al-Banna even today.

In a gripping and stylish narrative Berman also shows the legacy of these political traditions, most importantly by focusing on a single philosopher, who happens to be Hassan al-Banna's grandson, Oxford professor Tariq Ramadan--a figure widely celebrated in the West as a "moderate" despite his troubling ties to the Islamist movement. Looking closely into what Ramadan has actually written and said, Berman contrasts the reality of Ramadan with his image in the press.

In doing so, THE FLIGHT OF THE INTELLECTUALS sheds light on a number of modern issues--on the massively reinvigorated anti-Semitism of our own time, on a newly fashionable turn against women's rights, and on the difficulties we have in discussing terrorism--and presents a stunning commentary about the modern media's peculiar inability to detect and analyze some of the most dangerous ideas in contemporary society.

For centuries, duelling played an integral role in the preservation of the aristocratic order in Europe, defying attempts by both church and state to ban the practice. Moreover, the romance and drama of the duel has made it an enduring fixture in films, literature, and the theatre.

In The Duel in European History, renowned historian Victor Kiernan writes with his characteristic wit and insight of duelling's evolution from its medieval origins – when it was regarded as a badge of rank - to the early twentieth century, by which time it was seen as an irrational anachronism. In doing so, he shows how the duelling tradition was something unique to Europe and its colonies, and, in its contribution to the development of the officer corps, played a key part in shaping European military power.

Drawing on a vast range of historical and cultural sources, this is the definitive account of a violent ritual that continues to fascinate even today.

Americans have always been a hard-drinking people, but from 1920 to 1933 the country went dry. After decades of pressure from rural Protestants such as the hatchet-wielding Carry A. Nation and organizations such as the Women's Christian Temperance Union and Anti-Saloon League, the states ratified the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution. Bolstered by the Volstead Act, this amendment made Prohibition law: alcohol could no longer be produced, imported, transported, or sold. This bizarre episode is often humorously recalled, frequently satirized, and usually condemned. The more interesting questions, however, are how and why Prohibition came about, how Prohibition worked (and failed to work), and how Prohibition gave way to strict governmental regulation of alcohol. This book answers these questions, presenting a brief and elegant overview of the Prohibition era and its legacy.

During the 1920s alcohol prices rose, quality declined, and consumption dropped. The black market thrived, filling the pockets of mobsters and bootleggers. Since beer was too bulky to hide and largely disappeared, drinkers sipped cocktails made with moonshine or poor-grade imported liquor. The all-male saloon gave way to the speakeasy, where together men and women drank, smoked, and danced to jazz.

After the onset of the Great Depression, support for Prohibition collapsed because of the rise in gangster violence and the need for revenue at local, state, and federal levels. As public opinion turned, Franklin Delano Roosevelt promised to repeal Prohibition in 1932. The legalization of beer came in April 1933, followed by the Twenty-first Amendment's repeal of the Eighteenth that December. State alcohol control boards soon adopted strong regulations, and their legacies continue to influence American drinking habits. Soon after, Bill Wilson and Dr. Bob Smith founded Alcoholics Anonymous (AA). The alcohol problem had shifted from being a moral issue during the nineteenth century to a social, cultural, and political one during the campaign for Prohibition, and finally, to a therapeutic one involving individuals. As drinking returned to pre-Prohibition levels, a Neo-Prohibition emerged, led by groups such as Mothers against Drunk Driving, and ultimately resulted in a higher legal drinking age and other legislative measures.

With his unparalleled expertise regarding American drinking patterns, W. J. Rorabaugh provides an accessible synthesis of one of the most important topics in US history, a topic that remains relevant today amidst rising concerns over binge-drinking and alcohol culture on college campuses.

In the vein of Jonah Goldberg’s Liberal Fascism comes a scathing and reasoned critique of the politics of liberal compassion—and why liberals’ lack of interest in the results of their policies renders them unfit to govern.

For decades, conservatives have chafed at being called “heartless” and “uncaring” by liberals, without ever challenging this charge. Instead, they’ve spent their time trying to prove that they really do care. Now, political scientist William Voegeli turns the tables on this argument, making the case that “compassion” is neither the essence of personal virtue, nor the ultimate purpose of government.

Liberals have built a remarkable edifice of government programs that are justified by appeals to compassion. Yet as Voegeli shows, they are indifferent whether these programs fail or succeed. Instead, when the problems these programs are created to solve fail to disappear, they propose to fix underperforming programs with more money, or more programs. Meanwhile, conservatives who challenge their effectiveness on practical grounds are met with charges of being “heartless right wingers.”

Voegeli explores various programs that have become battlefields between Conservatives fighting for more efficiency, and Liberals fighting for the status quo. Along the way, he explains the philosophical underpinnings of the Liberal project that created and reinforce this misapplied ideal of compassion, and why, without a major change, Liberals must be considered unfit to govern.

Hailed by national leaders as politically diverse as former Vice President Al Gore and former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, Generations has been heralded by reviewers as a brilliant, if somewhat unsettling, reassessment of where America is heading.

William Strauss and Neil Howe posit the history of America as a succession of generational biographies, beginning in 1584 and encompassing every-one through the children of today. Their bold theory is that each generation belongs to one of four types, and that these types repeat sequentially in a fixed pattern. The vision of Generations allows us to plot a recurring cycle in American history -- a cycle of spiritual awakenings and secular crises -- from the founding colonists through the present day and well into this millenium.

Generations is at once a refreshing historical narrative and a thrilling intuitive leap that reorders not only our history books but also our expectations for the twenty-first century.

Bruce Bawer has lived in Europe since 1999. WHILE EUROPE SLEPT is his enlightening and disturbing report on anti-American and anti-Israeli sentiment in Europe and on the egregious failure of European liberals to confront Islamic extremism in their own countries. Traveling to major cities and talking with people in trains, cafes, restaurants, and on street corners, Bawer came face-to-face with the peculiar mix of moralistic smugness and abysmal ignorance that feeds the rising tide of hatred toward the United States. He found, as well, a widespread refusal to grapple with problems caused by a growing Islamic presence in Europe-from the violation of immigration laws to appalling incidents of honor killings to horrific acts of terrorism, including the assassination of a prominent Dutch politician and the March 2003 bombing in Madrid.
Bawer warns that Europe can no longer ignore the clash of civilizations raging on its own territory and around the world. Failure to recognize the problems and react quickly, he predicts, will lead to a virulent right-wing nationalism of a kind not seen since the 1930s.

For almost half a century--as a magazine editor and as the author of numerous bestselling books and hundreds of articles--Norman Podhoretz has helped drive the central political and intellectual debates in this country. Now, in this beautifully written and powerfully argued book, he takes on the most controversial issue of our time--the war against the global network of terrorists that attacked us on 9/11.
In "World War IV," Podhoretz makes the first serious effort to set 9/11 itself, the battles that have followed it in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the war of ideas that it has provoked at home into a broad historical context. Through a brilliant telling of this epic story, Podhoretz shows that the global war against Islamofascism is as vital and necessary as the two world wars and the cold war ("World War III") by which it was preceded. He also lays out a compelling case in defense of the Bush Doctrine, contending that its new military strategy of preemption and its new political strategy of democratization represent the only viable way to fight and win the special kind of war into which we were suddenly plunged.
Different in certain respects though the Islamofascists are from their totalitarian predecessors, this new enemy is equally dedicated to the destruction of the freedoms for which America stands and by which it lives. But it took the blatant aggression of 9/11 to make most Americans realize that war had long since been declared on us and that the time had come to fight back. Past administrations, both Republican and Democratic, had failed to respond with appropriate force to attacks by Muslim terrorists on American citizens in various countries, and even the bombing of the World Trade Center in 1993 was treated as a criminal act rather than an act of war. All this changed after 9/11, when the whole country rallied around President Bush's decision to bring the war to the enemy's home ground in the Middle East.
The successes and the setbacks that have followed are vividly portrayed by Podhoretz, who goes on to argue that, just as in the two great struggles against totalitarianism in the twentieth century, the key to victory in World War IV will be a willingness to endure occasional reverses without losing sight of what we are fighting against, what we are fighting for, and why we have to win.

Hoe komen terroristen tot hun gruweldaden? In het huidige politieke en publieke debat over de drijfveren van terroristen staan twee opvattingen lijnrecht tegenover elkaar. Politiek rechts ziet radicalisering hoofdzakelijk als een teken van religieus en politiek fanatisme. Aan de linkerkant van het politieke spectrum wijt men radicalisering vooral aan frustratie over slechte sociaaleconomische omstandigheden. In Radicalisering ontrafeld verrijkt en nuanceert terrorismedeskundige Teun van Dongen dit debat door te laten zien dat ook zaken als schuldgevoelens, peer pressure en een hang naar status een bijzonder grote rol in het radicaliseringsproces kunnen spelen. Aan de hand van memoires, interviews en verklaringen van jihadstrijders en leden van groepen als de IRA en de Rote Armee Fraktion komt hij tot tien redenen waarom mensen terroristische aanslagen plegen. In een tijd waarin radicalisering volop in de politieke en publieke belangstelling staat, verschaft Van Dongen een dieper inzicht in de achtergronden ervan en legt hij uit hoe ermee om te gaan.

A revelatory look inside the world's most dangerous terrorist group.

With brutal attacks across the world—Paris, Beirut, Egypt, Turkey—the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has proved itself the greatest threat today. They have conquered massive territories in Syria and Iraq in a bid to create a new Muslim caliphate under the strict dictates of Sharia law.

In ISIS: Inside the Army of Terror, American journalist Michael Weiss and Syrian analyst Hassan Hassan explain how these violent extremists evolved from a nearly defeated Iraqi insurgent group into a jihadi army of international volunteers who, with slickly produced murder videos, are spreading violence and mayhem across the globe. Beginning with the early days of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the founder of ISIS’s first incarnation, Weiss and Hassan explain who the key players are—from their leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi to the former Saddam Baathists in their ranks—where they come from, how they have attracted both local and global support, and how they operate—from their social media strategy to their illicit oil revenues.

Political and military maneuvering by the United States, Iraq, Iran, and Syria have fueled ISIS’s explosive expansion. Drawing on original interviews with former US military officials and current ISIS fighters, the authors also reveal the internecine struggles within the movement itself, as well as ISIS’s bloody hatred of Shiite Muslims, which is generating another sectarian war in the region. A new generation of terror has dawned in the world and to understand how to stop it, we must understand who they are.

War, despite its indisputably horrific nature, has shaped the international system, prompted social and technological change, and inspired the arts. This insightful book captures fully the ubiquitous and multifaceted character of war, featuring accounts by generals, soldiers, historians, strategists, and poets, who consider conflicts from the Napoleonic Wars to Bosnia. Firsthand accounts vividly evoke the French infantry experience at Waterloo, a Union-Confederate skirmish at Gettysburg, the reflections of a German seaman at Jutland, one civilian's impressions of the Blitz, the trials of a Japanese doctor in the wake of the Atom Bomb's obliteration of Nagasaki, the confusion of Vietnam, and more. A broad range of questions are addressed: What are the causes of war? Which strategic as well as moral principles guide its conduct, and how have these changed? Has total war become unthinkable? What is the nature of contemporary conflict? How is war experienced by those on the front line? With contributions by leading scholars, and edited by one the most oft-quoted and prolific of military experts, this reader offers a deeper and more comprehensive understanding of one of humankind's oldest and most controversial preoccupations.

Polemische notities over uiteenlopende onderwerpen. Karel van het Reve (1921-1999) schreef zelden iets zonder dat iemand hem daarom had gevraagd, maar 'fragmenten' schreef hij in eerste instantie voor zichzelf, om een gedachte, een herinnering vast te pinnen voor die weer vervloog. Het is te danken aan K.L. Poll, oprichter en redacteur van Hollands Maandblad, dat zij toch in dat tijdschrift werden gepubliceerd. Een deel ervan nam Van het Reve later als Fragmenten in zijn boeken op.

Voor deze bundel Ik heb nooit iets gelezen en alle andere fragmenten geldt dat de schrijver er zelf het plan voor had, maar aan de uitvoering ervan niet meer is toegekomen. Dat is dus dit boek geworden. Het bevat, op zes vrijwel woordelijke herhalingen na, alle, dat wil zeggen ruim vijfhonderd fragmenten die Van het Reve vanaf 1963 in Hollands Maandblad publiceerde. Bijna de helft ervan verschijnt hier voor het eerst in boekvorm.
Ik heb nooit iets gelezen biedt de lezer als het ware een blik in de werkkamer van de schrijver. In een bonte stoet komt van alles voorbij: Russische dissidenten, opinions chic, wetenschap, kruiswoordraadsels, literatuur en vele andere zaken. Fascinerend is het om te zien hoe Van het Reves ideeën, die later in opzienbarende - vaak tot grote woede van zijn tegenstanders leidende - artikelen werden verwerkt, hier vaak al in een pril stadium aanwezig zijn. Dat geldt bijvoorbeeld voor zijn bezwaren tegen Marx, Freud en Dostojevski en zijn kritiek op de evolutieleer en pseudowetenschappen als de literatuurwetenschap. Ook de periode toen Van het Reve als correspondent van Het Parool in Moskou woonde (zomer 1967 tot zomer 1968) is in de fragmenten duidelijk te herkennen.

The next election is the most important one America has faced in more than a century. That’s not campaign hype. America is divided as almost never before—with contesting political factions regarding themselves not as rivals but as enemies. And the frightening thing is that, in large part, they’re right.

The Democratic Party has become the party of “identity politics”—and every one of those identities is defined against a unifying national heritage of patriotism, pride in America’s past, and hope for a shared future.

Offering only antagonism based on group identity—whether race, sex, or something else—the Democrats look forward to imposing nationally what they have achieved in California: one-party rule in a lockdown nation, where the ruling class makes every decision and doles out benefits to favored groups.

Against them is a divided Republican Party. Gravely misunderstanding the opposition, old-style Republicans still seek bipartisanship and accommodation, wrongly assuming that Democrats care about playing by the tiresome old rules laid down in the Constitution and other fundamental charters of American liberty.

The new core of the Republican Party is the populists and nationalists, who are tired of losing. The party’s only hope of victory, they are all that stand between the United States as we have traditionally understood it and a revolution—less dramatic in appearance but just as consequential as the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia.

Michael Anton, the author of the most scathing, memorable, and quoted essay of the 2016 campaign season, “The Flight 93 Election”—which Rush Limbaugh called “one of the greatest columns ever written”—now explains in depth why the stakes have risen even higher.

Ranging across every hot-button political topic of our time—from immigration to nationalism to war—and informed by a profound understanding of classical and American political philosophy, The Stakes will transform the way you view politics and America’s future.

Van 1672 tot 1712 was de Republiek der Verenigde Nederlanden in een titanenstrijd met he t Frankrijk van de Zonnekoning verwikkeld. Gedurende deze 'Veertigjarige Oorlog' leverde zij onder aanvoering van stadhouder-koning Willem III (1650-1702) en zijn politieke erfgenamen een gigantische militaire inspanning. De veerkracht, standvastigheid en volharding waarmee de Nederlanders vochten dwongen Lodewijk XIV zijn politiek van territoriale expansie op te geven en een Europees machtsevenwicht te aanvaarden. Zijn opvolgers dachten er niet aan het oorspronkelijke plan van de Zonnekoning om de Zuidelijke Nederlanden - het huidige België - bij Frankrijk in te lijven ooit te voltooien. Integendeel, zij wilden dit gebied het liefst permanent neutraal verklaren en daardoor een nieuwe krachtmeting met de Nederlanders vermijden. Na veertig jaar oorlog kon er geen twijfel over bestaan dat de Republiek de hoeksteen was geweest van de grote Europese allianties die de troon van Lodewijk XIV, de 'machtigste vorst van de wereld', aan het wankelen hadden gebracht. De Veertigjarige Oorlog had Frankrijk zozeer uitgeput dat het tot de revolutie van 1789 zou duren voordat de Fransen opnieuw veroveringsoorlogen voerden.

Keizer Frederik ll van Hohenstaufen was de 'stupor mundi', de verbazing van de wereld. Hij was keizer van het heilige Romeinse Rijk, koning van Sicilië en Napels en werkte aan een imperium waarin vrede en gerechtigheid moesten heersen. Daarnaast was hij een wetenschapper van formaat. Zijn standaardwerk over de valkenjacht is nog steeds actueel. Crul beschrijft het leven van Frederik ll in dit rijk geïllustreerde boek in het licht van de middeleeuwse wetenschapsgeschiedenis.